| Society-WOLOF The Wolof constitute a large ethnic group located mainly in the western part of the former French West African colony of Senegal, and extending southward into The Gambiaa former British colony. Wolof (Ouolof in the standard French orthography) is the name by which the people refer to themselves, and the label commonly used in scholarly publications. But a large number of orthographic variants occur in the literature, ranging from Chelofes, Guiolof, and Iolof, to Joloffs, Valaf, and Yuloff. The indigenous language is also called Wolof. It is classified within the Northern Branch of the West Atlantic subfamily of the Niger-Congo language family. The most closely related languages are Serer and Fulbe (Fulani) (Greenberg 1966: 7-8, 25; Voegelin 1977: 28-29). The Lebu, a separate ethnic group centered in the Cap Vert peninsula of Senegal, speak a distinct Wolof dialect. The Wolof language is rapidly becoming the national vernacular of Senegal. Members of other ethnic groups are increasingly learning Wolof as a second language, especially in the urban areas. It was recently estimated that 80 percent of Senegalese speak Wolof (Nelson et al. 1974: 81). The total Wolof population as of 1977 was approximately 1,500,000. The great majority of this population falls within the area of northwestern Senegambia. The northern boundary of this area is the Senegal River, which flows from east to west at approximately lat. 16 degrees 30 minutes N; the Atlantic coast forms the western boundary, while the southern boundary is marked by the Gambia River at roughly lat. 13 degrees 30 minutes N. There is no clear-cut eastern boundary, but based on population distribution and density maps, it is possible to set the effective eastern limit of the area at about long. 14 degrees W. Some Wolof are distributed to the east and south of this area in Senegambia, and it has been estimated that neighboring countries such as Guinea, Mali, and Mauritania may each contain a few thousand Wolof. As of 1963, the predominant ethnic groups in The Gambia were the Malinke (130,000) and the Fulbe (70,000), while the Wolof ranked third with a population of about 40,000, or about 13 percent of the total Gambian population of 316,000. Except for those living within the city of Banjul (formerly Bathurst) and its environs, most of the Wolof are located north of the Gambia River. Senegal is by far the most important national unit since this is where approximately 95 percent of the Wolof are located. They constitute the dominant ethnic group in Senegal both politically and numerically as over one-third of the national population. The census of 1960-61 produced an estimate of 1,103,000 Wolof, which was about 35 percent of the total Senegalese population (Pelissier 1966: 18-26). In 1971 the Wolof population of Senegal was estimated at 1,375,000, or about 36 percent of the total population of 3,800,000. The first solid documentary information on the Wolof dates from the travels of Ca da Mosto in 1455, but according to oral traditions, the Wolof ethnic group may have been in the process of formation sometime around the beginning of the thirteenth century. Probably during the fourteenth century, the Wolof were unified into a loose political federation known as the Djolof Empire centered in northwestern Senegal. Around the middle of the sixteenth century, this empire fragmented into its component parts, giving rise to the four major Wolof kingdoms of Walo, Djolof proper, Cayor (Kayor), and Baol, running roughly from north to south. The subsequent history of these kingdoms is rife with political intrigue and exploitation, rebellions, and warfare both against one another and against the Moors. As a result, their boundaries fluctuated over time, but their relative locations and the core areas of each remained stable for over 300 years. European contacts with the Wolof began about the middle of the fifteenth century, but they did not reach any major significance until the nineteenth century. Gradually, a few commercial centers were established along the coast, the principal ones being at St. Louis and Goree. The Europeans were mostly interested in trade, and this centered on gum arabic and slaves. Peanut-growing was introduced into Senegal about 1840, and soon became the principal item of export, with the Cayor developing as the main peanut-producing region. In the 1850s, primarily to protect their economic interests, the French launched their first serious attempts to conquer the Wolof kingdoms. Although the Wolof put up a bitter resistance to French conquest, by the end of the century they were completely subjugated and the French colonial administration fully implanted. During this same period, and probably to a large extent in reaction to French pressures and conquests, the Wolof, who had a long and ambivalent involvement with Islam, became rapidly and thoroughly Islamicized. The French also stimulated the development of urban centers, which became the most profound sources of change and Westernization during the twentieth century. Finally, these developments generated two major migratory patterns among the Wolof, which continue to the present day. First, the Wolof spread from their traditional center in the northwest to the south and southeast of the main Serer area in the Sine-Saloum, and eastward into the western Ferlo and the region of Senegal Oriental. This migratory trend has been motivated mainly by the search for new, more fertile lands for the commercial exploitation of peanuts. The second migratory pattern is the persisting movement from rural to urban areas, particularly in the post-World War II period. Although the bulk of the Wolof, probably 70 to 75 percent, are still rural villagers, the remainder constitute an important element in many of the larger urban centers of Senegal. The Wolof manifest a broad range of cultural variation and also share many cultural features with neighboring peoples such as the Lebu, Serer, and Tukulor. As Gamble (1957: vii) has clearly pointed out: "The variability in Wolof culture means that almost every statement made abnout them needs to be accompanied by a label as to time and place." Several major components of variation will be discussed briefly. Perhaps the most obvious distinction is that between the Senegalese and the Gambian Wolof. The former were subjected to French colonization, administration, education, linguistic and other cultural influences, while the latter were subjected to the same range of influences by a different European power, the British. This has resulted in important cultural differences between these two groups of Wolof. The remainder of this discussion will deal only with the Wolof of Senegal. The most fundamental basis of distinction among the Senegalese Wolof is the rural-urban differentiation. This does not include all urban Wolof, however, but only that relatively small segment which is truly urbanized and to a significant extent Westernized. Their importance is much greater than their numbers would indicate, however, because they constitute a part of the national elite. Another dimension of variation, particularly among the rural Wolof, consists of regional differences coinciding roughly with the domains of the former kingdoms plus the more recent areas of settlement. Environmental differences, the influence of the various neighboring cultural groups, varying access to modes of transportation, etc., have all contributed to regional demographic and sociocultural modifications. A closely related element of variation is differences among rural villages in the degree of urban influence and involvement in national affairs. Villages fall along a continuum, from a quite isolated type to a highly "progressive" type, where one finds a modern school, a dispensary, national political party representation, etc. Greenfield's studies (1966A, 1966B) have shown that the simple fact of children having a few years of formal, Western-style education has a significant impact on their cognitive development and orientation. There are also religiously based variations. Nearly all Wolof are Muslims and are organized mainly into two major Muslim brotherhoods. Villages occupied largely or entirely by members of one of these brotherhoods, the Muridiyya, differ in a number of respects from other Wolof villages, particularly in social organization. The final component of variation, which crosscuts all of the above, is the time dimension. As previously indicated, the Wolof have a documented history of over 500 years. Significant changes have occurred throughout this history. Nevertheless, there has been a basic sociocultural continuity to the extent that the earliest and most recent accounts of the Wolof are remarkably similar in many respects. Despite the differences outlined above, there are some major unifying elements which contribute to the ethnic integrity and continuity of the Wolof. These include a common language, a highly conscious sense of ethnic identity and pride, the persistence of the traditional system of social stratification (although in somewhat modified form) and of basic patterns of kinship and marriage, a common religion, Islam, along with the retention of crucial beliefs and practices from their traditional magico-religious system, and common patterns of interpersonal relations, with their associated emotional loadings. The following sketch will focus upon the major patterns of life as manifested primarily among the rural village Wolof of northwestern Senegal. The Wolof mainly occupy a tropical, semi-desert environment called the Sahel. Vegetation is sparse and the topsoil consists of loose sand. Through most of this ecological zone there is no surface water, so villagers must depend on wells for all of their domestic water needs. The subsistence economy is based on agriculture which in turn depends on rainfall, the key environmental factor. The year is divided into two sharply distinct seasons, a rainy season lasting from June into October, which is the agricultural period, and a dry season the rest of the year. Unfortunately, there may be wide annual variations in the amount of rainfall, and in some years the harvest is very poorwhich for many people means serious hunger if not actual starvation. The basic subsistence crop and staple food is millet (primarily Pennisetum gambicum), while the main cash crop is peanuts (Arachis hypogaea). The second major foodstuff is rice, but it is not grown by most villagers and must be purchased. Manioc (cassava) is often grown mainly as a cash crop, but some is also eaten. Other vegetables are grown by a few villagers, especially in the better watered region near the coast, but most villagers must buy their vegetables. The predominant domestic animals which serve as sources of meat are chickens, goats, and sheep. The primary source of protein, however, is fish, which villagers usually purchase in a dried or smoked form. Only a small percentage of Wolof are fishermen. In each village a few people own cattle, but these are considered more as a sort of wealth reserve than a food resource. Beef tends to be eaten only when cattle are killed for a ceremonial feast. The average size of Wolof villages tends to be quite small, with a mean population range of about 50 to 150 (Pelissier 1966: 135-59). In a few regions, more favorable ecological conditions probably combined with various socioeconomic and political factors have resulted in larger villages. For instance, in the southern part of the Cayor, villages seem to average from 300 to 350 in population size. There is also an occasional village with a much larger population1,000 to 2,000 peopleusually due to special historical circumstances, such as being the political center of a broad area. Two types of settlement plans are found among most Wolof villages. Probably the most traditional type is the plan according to which a village consists of two or three completely separate groups of residential compounds with no central focus. The other type consists of a nucleated village with nearly all of the residential compounds grouped around a central plaza. On the fringe of the plaza are often found small shops and public buildings, and a mosque is usually located in the center of the plaza. Many Wolof villages have an attached hamlet or encampment of Fulbe (Peul) who "belong" to the village and herd their cattle. Village social organization is reflected in the spatial organization. Wolof society is characterized by a relatively rigid, complex system of social stratification. This system consists of a series of hierarchically ranked strata in which membership is ascribed by patri-filiation. Although these strata are usually called "castes" (and less commonly, "social classes") in the literature, here they will be referred to as status groups. The status groups are organized into three major hierarchical levels. The first of these is an upper or dominant level called geer, which is pre-conquest times was divided into several status groups including the garmi or royal lineages, the dom-i-bur or nobility, and the jaambur or free-born commoners, the majority of whom were small-scale cultivators called baadolo; these distinctions may still be alluded to on special occasions, but essentially the different strata have fused into a single status group which retains the label geer. Second is a lower or artisan level called nyenyoo, consisting of several occupationally-defined status groups. These groups include the metalsmiths (teug), the leatherworkers (wude), the weavers (rab), and the griots (gewel), who are the lineage genealogists, musicians, and general carriers of gossip. The lowest level is composed of the descendants of slaves (jaam), who are still called by that term. The jaam are differentiated into subgroups which are named and ranked according to the status of their former masters. This stratification system is a crucial aspect of village social life, and still retains a great deal of significance in the urban areas. Membership in a particular status group coordinates with specific social prerogatives and obligations which are ascribed, and which are manifested in social behavior. Each status category tends to be an endogamous unit, and the three major levels are strictly endogamous. In the villages the geer usually hold all of the key political offices and most of the dominant ritual roles rooted in Islam. The basic social units in the village are locally recognized and spatially demarcated residential groups usually occupying a single compound. The Wolof term for these units is ker, while the French usually call them "carres." The core of each ker generally consists of a patrilocal extended family. The component family units tend to be polygynous. The Wolof follow Islamic marriage laws which permit up to four legal wives. There is also some preference for marriage with either cross-cousin. The ker is a corporate group and has an official head, the borom ker, who is the senior male of the dominant family unit. The borom ker allocates the fields to be cultivated by the ker members, settles minor disputes within the ker, and represents the ker in important village affairs. The ker may or may not constitute a single household. The main exceptions occur in the case of the larger ker which often incorporate an unrelated family unit of a lower status category. The head of that family unit stands in a client-patron relationship with the borom ker. Groups of contiguous ker are usually related patrilineally, and form localized patrilineal lineages. The patrilineal lineage (genyoo) is the pivotal kin group at the politico-jural level. The patrilineages are the groups that control the land, and they are the crucial units from the standpoint of property inheritance and usufruct. Political rank and the control of political offices in the village are also determined primarily by patrilineage affiliation. The senior male of a patrilineage is its official head (laman). This title is often interpreted in economic terms, since it is he who actually "controls" the lands of the patrilineage, and usually receives the tithe or waref for the use of these lands. The waref is generally equivalent to 10 percent of the production or income from a field. The Senegalese government has been making strenuous attempts to change this traditional system of land control which it considers exploitative. The Wolof also recognize a matrilineal descent line, the men. This is not a corporate group, and it has no basic politico-jural functions. Therefore, the Wolof do not have a true double descent systemat least at the village level in modern times. It is true that royal matrilineages played a significant social role within the traditional kingdoms, but there are no data as to whether matrilineages were also found at the commoner level. The importance of Islam among the Wolof has already been noted. In fact, it would be very difficult for a convert to Christianity to continue living in a Wolof village. The two dominant Muslim brotherhoods (tariqas) among the Wolof are the Tijaniyya and the Muriddiyya. Men become members of a brotherhood upon circumcision. They normally follow the brotherhood of their fathers. Women become members of a brotherhood upon marriage, joining the same one as their husbands'. The basic complimentary religious roles are those of taalibe, a disciple or follower, and marabout (serigne), a kind of religious leader. There is an intricate hierarchy of marabouts ranging from those who have only an elementary knowledge of the Koran and little influence, up to the powerful khalifs who head the brotherhoods. The most common function of marabouts at the village level is to make protective amulets worn by all villagers, and for which the marabout receives a fee. These amulets consist of passages from the Quran written on slips of paper encased in leather packets. Various types of amulets are believed to have the power to protect the wearer from injuries, illness, evil spirits, witchcraft, or other misfortunes. The Wolof villager does not see any contradiction between his or her adherence to Islam and a continuing adherence to many traditional (i.e. pre-Islamic) magico-religious beliefs and practices. In fact, probably even the practice of circumcision is pre-Islamic, since it is traditionally performed by a blacksmith, and the ritual specialist who is in charge of a group of boys scheduled for circumcision occupies a completely non-Islamic role. Each village usually has several traditional ritual specialists. Some specialize in the treatment of snake bites, others in the treatment of mental illness, and so forth. One of the most prominent traditional ritual roles is that of the jabarkat. This person is a combination magician, shaman, and sorcerer. Just as the marabout, he is frequently called upon to make protective amulets, but in this case the amulets contain pieces of roots or plants rather than passages from the Koran. Finally, the traditional system emphasizes beliefs in evil spirits and witches, and the need to protect oneself from the harm they may do. A great deal of anxiety and fear is associated with these beliefs, and they constitute the most emotionally "loaded" aspect of Wolof culture. Gamble (1957) is a general survey of Wolof history and culture based mostly on the literature, but including some of his own data from fieldwork in The Gambia. This is still a useful introduction to Wolof ethnography. Irvine (1974) is another of the most important studies available on the Wolof. She focuses on a sociolinguistic analysis of caste and communication in a Wolof village called Ker Matar (a pseudonym) located in the southern Cayor of Senegal. In the process, she also manages to present a fairly comprehensive village ethnography. Culture summary by Robert O. Lagace Gamble, David P. The Wolof of Senegambia, together with notes on the Lebu and the Serer. London, International African Institute, 1957. 110 p. illus., maps. Greenberg, Joseph H. The languages of Africa. Bloomington, Indiana University, 1966. Greenfield, Patricia Marks. On culture and conservation. In Jerome S. Bruner, et al. Studies in Cognitive Growth; a Collaboration at the Center for Cognitive Studies. New York, John Wiley and Sons, 1966A: 225-256, 327-334. Greenfield, Patricia Marks. On culture and equivalence: II. By Patricia Marks Greenfield, Lee C. Reich, and Rose R. Oliver. In Jerome S. Bruner, et al. Studies in Cognitive Growth; a Collaboration at the Center for Cognitive Studies. New York, John Wiley and Sons, 1966B: 270-318. Irvine, Judith Temkin. Caste and communication in a Wolof village. Ann Arbor, University Microfilms, 1974. 1, 66, 484 l. maps, tables. (University Microfilms Publications, no. 74-14,082) Dissertation (Anthropology)University of Pennsylvania, 1973. Nelson, Harold D. Area handbook for Senegal. By Harold D. Nelson et al. 2d ed. Washington, D. C., U. S. Government Printing Office, 1974. Pelissier, Paul. Les paysans du Senegal: les civilisations agraires du Cayor a la Casamance [The peasants of Senegal: the agrarian civilizations from the Cayor to the Casamance]. Saint-Yrieux (Haute-Vienne), Imprimerie Fabregue, 1966. Voegelin, C. F. and F. M. Voegelin. Classification and index of the world's languages. New York, Elsevier, 1977. 7882 | |
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