Extractions: E-mail: journals@indiana.edu In the Sukuma area of northwest Tanzania, farmer-musicians, or farmers who compose and perform music, introduce themselves in public interactions first as farmers, with the phrase "I am a farmer, I hold a hoe," and second as performers, with the phrase "I am also a dancer, I twirl a hoe." Identification with music operates on many psychological and cultural levels from childhood to old age, and is reinforced and expressed most cogently in their use of song during cotton farming. Cotton farming is a relatively recent chapter in Sukuma history, a result of (and creative response to) British colonial government requirements between the two world wars. A new farming class emerged, which drew on prior musical labor fraternities such as medicinal societies, hunting societies, porters, and military organizations for their personnel, musical repertory, and dance paraphernalia. The Sukuma made the imposition of long-distance migrant labor and cotton cropping their own by making these labors musical. The author discusses how Sukuma farmers developed musical farming from these prior musical labor practices, and provides several examples of this transformation.
Joshua Project - People Clusters kwere, 100000, 1, 0, 0.0 %, 0, 0.0 %, NAB57j People group population figuresare now maintained as a percentage of the national population. http://www.joshuaproject.net/peopcluster.php?rop2=C0034
Do Article For Publication The Bobo number about 110000 people, with the great majority in Burkina Faso, Dwo, Soxo and kwere partake of the essential force or spirit of Wuro. http://artqtserver.art.uiowa.edu:8080/Mask_styles/Images/Do_masks/Do.htm
Extractions: Images of leaf masks The character called Do or Dwo appears in the religious belief of the peoples of central and western Burkina Faso, as well as numerous groups in northern Ivory coast and southeastern Mali. Engravings that accompanied the publication of Binger's travels to Kong in 1887-89 record the use of leaf or fiber masks to represent Do a century ago (photo ). The congregation continues to flourish, and ceremonies at which leaf and fiber masks representing Do appear are common occurences in western Burkina each year from March to June. In Burkina Faso the congregation of Do appears to have originated among Mande speakers, primarily the Bobo, and to have spread to one Voltaic group to the east, the Bwa. The Marka Dafing, a Mande group who penetrated the valley of the Sourou river in the 1600's may have carried the congregation of Do with them, and adopted the use of Voltaic mask styles from their new neighbors, the Nunuma and the Winiama. Although the Bwa and the Bobo are similar in several ways, especially in the lack of central political authority and the common congregation of Do, they are quite different in their world view. The Bwa are open and receptive to outside influences, and their society is in a constant process of change, while the Bobo are far more conservative, prefering to preserve the purity of their traditions.
GUS Almost the most heinous crime known to the Chagga people was sexual 5Raum, OF (1938) Some aspects of indigenous education among the Chaga, http://www2.rz.hu-berlin.de/sexology/GESUND/ARCHIV/GUS/CHAGGA.HTM
Extractions: Growing Up Sexually Index Africa CSSC ratings Tanzania CHAGA , CHAGGA, WACHAGGA Tanzania Index Africa Tanzania â Chagga Featured: Swahili Wanguru Turu Kwere Shambala Ngindo Chagga Bena Nyamwezi ... Masai Chaga children are told that babies come from the forest (Raum, 1940) . Precircumcision intercourse is forbidden and punished by staking the lovers to the ground in the forbidden position ( ibid ., p182; Dundas, 1924:p296 ). The operation took place nominally at puberty, or rather, together with the chiefâs sonâs puberty; so some were operated upon at a younger age. Childhood family or house games provide opportunities for sexually tinged games (Raum, Raum, 1938:p219 . Sibling marriage play in huts is met with prohibitions referring to the incest taboo (1940:p180-1; cf. Raum 1938 [1954:708] ). Night time sex instruction (menstruation, interfemoral intercourse, contraception) for girls occurs in the initiation period (Raum, 1939) . Although girls are told to âwatch their bodiesâ and not to lie with their boyfriends, they are actually encouraged to âlaugh, be happy, make yourself pleasant! If you withdraw into yourself, you will not get a husband!â Extensive education in sexual mores was given at pubertal rites (Raum, 1940:p330; Moore, 1977:p62 ; Gutmann, 1932 [I]:p44-54
Wp898 The significance of a process is that people will reach some insight what is goodfor Girenko, NM Cultures of East africa in the Process of Structural http://www.valt.helsinki.fi/kmi/Julkais/WPt/1998/WP898.HTM
Extractions: ISSN 1238-898X THE CULTURAL PROCESS OF DEVELOPMENT: Some impressions of anthropologists working in development This argument is also found in workshops intending to promote a dialogue between anthropology, international politics and development Two examples will suffice here. A Seminar on Culture and Development in Southern Tanzania brought together researchers from Tanzania It is assumed that empirical research in a similar context must be connected to a participatory process. The task of the Council for Development and Assistance Studies established by the Uppsala University is to promote dialogue between academic researchers and professionals in the field of development cooperation. The chief aim of the Council is to be a bridge between academics and practitioners in order to tap knowledge and resources and in this way create a more efficient development cooperation. The Council operates by arranging seminars and workshops
